Fifty-three Years of Revolutionary Struggle for Peace, Land, and Bread
An Interview with the Communist Party of the Philippines
Questions from Pao Ching-ming
Answers by Ka Marco Valbuena
Chief Information Officer of the Communist Party of the Philippines
Dec. 26, 2021
The following is the introductory paragraph of a letter from ourselves to Ka Marco, sent on the occasion of the Party’s fifty-third anniversary:
I offer you my sincerest thanks for your assent to answering a few questions from myself, which I am sure are of great import as well to the roused masses throughout the eight corners of Creation. Ever since the rectification of the Communist Party of the Philippines exactly fifty-three years ago, on the Twenty-sixth of December 1968, it has proven itself a worthy and able vanguard of the Pilipino people and the fiercest foe of reaction — both local and abroad. Presently, the Revolution being waged by the millions of Pilipino cadres, guerrillas, militiamen, and activists is the most enduring in the annals of history, and the C. P. P. is the most developed and accomplished revolutionary formation under Heaven. Being one of the foremost organisations of the World proletarian-socialist Revolution, the Party’s achievements and official stances are of singular significance to all oppressed peoples beneath the Great Azure. The following questions penned by myself encompass several subjects germane to the Party’s progress, basic programme, and tenets, such as its methods of dealing with the faith, the “woman question”, traitors to the populace, and so on.
1. Ever since the arrival of the Castilian conquistadores on Pilipino shores some five centuries ago, the Pilipino have been a tyrannised folk. An archipelago of seven- thousand isles and a hundred teeming peoples and tongues, our very identity as a unified realm is rooted in our shared subjugation, forged in struggle and resistance. Indeed, the revolutionary tradition of the Pilipino is one rich in history — a flowing tapestry comprised of hundreds of rebellions and revolts, from the Bol-anon Dagohoy against the despotic Spanish clergy, and the Moro Datu Amil’s heroic rising against the American devils, to the guerrilla war waged by the Huks during the occupation of Amaterasu’s progeny, and the valiant First Quarter Storm which erupted under the puppet-butcher Marcos’ reign of terror. The national-democratic revolution being fought to-day in the peaks of the Sierra Madre, the verdant forests of Bisayas and Mindanaw, and the sprawling concrete mazes of luminous Maynila is simply a continuation of the incompleat bourgeois-liberal revolution initiated by the Katipunan helmed by its Kataas-taasang Pangulo Bonifacio — the Katagalugan’s greatest and most loyal son. May you please provide us a compendious account of the historical development of the aforesaid Pilipino Revolution from the time of the Haring Bayan to the present day?
On the occasion of the anniversary of Lapulapu’s uprising on April 27, 1521, we marked earlier this year 500 years of Philippine armed resistance against foreign aggressors. Although the Lapulapu uprising was victorious, the disparate islands would ultimately be suppressed by the Spanish colonizers with superior military force representing a more advanced social and economic system. I invite you to review the April 21, 2021 editorial of Ang Bayan, the CPP’s official news organ, which described in broad strokes the development of Philippine history as a continuum of armed uprisings to fight for national liberation.
To understand the nature of these armed uprisings, it is important to also delve into the class nature and theories that guided these. During the first stage of more than three hundred years of anticolonial resistance, the big and small, short-lived and prolonged armed uprisings, were mostly local and of limited scale. Many of these were mostly led by local landowners whose interests were trampled upon by the colonizers and their demand for tribute. They were in a position to lead the local masses in armed uprisings, but were no match to the superior military force which the colonizers could concentrate on a local area.
The emergence of the Propaganda Movement in the latter part of the 19th century gave all these local uprisings a national character, although Rizal and others actually sought to attain reforms under the colonial regime. Bonifacio was of working class origin but was inspired by bourgeois ideals as expressed by Rizal’s exposition of the Filipino national identity and the slogans of the French revolution for freedom, brotherhood and equality. Enlightened by bourgeois liberal concepts, he formed the Katipunan as a national resistance movement with the objective of driving away the Spanish colonizers. The bourgeois illustrado forces would soon violently take over the leadership of the revolution. The inchoate bourgeois forces in the country, however, was weak and could easily be subdued by the US imperialists.
It would take the incipient working class to pick up the banner and resume the struggle for national liberation and the armed resistance movement. At the early part of the 20th century, working class organizations which were moderately influenced by Marxism, would raise the slogan calling for an end to US colonialism. Although it could mount large demonstrations, the Filipino working class was numerically small and ideologically immature to come up with a comprehensive strategy for resistance against the imperialist adversary.
The formation of the Communist Party of the Philippine Islands in 1930 was a watershed event that marked the integration of the Filipino working class movement with the international proletarian movement under the leadership of the Soviet Union and the Communist Internationale. In the fight against Japanese armed aggression, the CPPI wisely applied united front tactics and armed struggle, forging an alliance with the peasantry, waging guerrilla warfare, carrying out land reform and building organs of political power. The revolutionary forces under the CPPI (then merged with the SPP) would control large swathes of territory in Central Luzon and other parts of the country. Waging people’s war, however, was adapted as a tactic in the fight against Japanese fascism, and would later be discarded. The merger party had no clear analysis of the semicolonial and semifeudal conditions of the country and failed to expound on its revolutionary strategy. The CPPI was strongly influenced and led by unremoulded pettybourgeois intellectuals, who for the following decades, would swing from Right and “Left” opportunism.
The revolutionary armed struggle for national and social liberation resumed in 1969 with the formation of the NPA by the reestablished CPP. The CPP benefited from the victorious revolutions in China and Korea (and later in Vietnam) which demonstrated the necessity of waging people’s war in semicolonial and semifeudal countries, forging the basic alliance with the more numerous peasant class, and adapting guerrilla tactics to confront and defeat a militarily more superior enemy force. The CPP assiduously applied MLM on the concrete conditions of the Philippines, to come up with specific tactics for building a nationwide army and waging people’s war in an archipelagic country. The people’s war has developed and progressed over the past 50 years. It has the singular achievement of self-reliantly waging people’s war at a time that the proletariat had already been defeated in China and Soviet Union.
2. Precisely fifty-three years ago, the great revolutionary teacher Jose Ma. Sison, along with a number of comrades-in-arms, re-constituted the Party, wresting control from the revisionist Lava-Taruc combine and establishing Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding thought, applied creatively and practically to the concrete conditions of the Pilipino people. How has the Party and its New People’s Army and National Democratic Front advanced since then? What is the current progress of the Revolution? If my mind serves me correctly, we are still in the stage of the strategic defensive as outlined by the Great Helmsman, yes?
In its message last December 26, the CPP Central Committee said that the people’s war is at the middle phase or substage of the strategic defensive. During this phase, the NPA aims to complete building company-sized guerrilla fronts by waging extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on the basis of an ever expanding and deepening mass base, and build more guerrilla fronts to further extend the revolutionary territories of the NPA. Upon completion of these requirements, the people’s war will advance towards the advanced phase of the strategic defensive, where it will have the capacity to annihilate company- sized or larger armed formations of the enemy, and work towards achieving strategic stalemate with the enemy.
3. Throughout its over half-a-century of history, the Party has ensured its political, military, and social integrity by fiercely combatting revisionism and its many manifestations — adventurism, tailism, opportunism, &c. Most notably, eminent and principled cadres waged the First and Second Great Rectification Movements against the right-opportunism of the Lavaites, and the paranoiac urban-insurrectionism of counter-revolutionary traitors like Lagman, respectively. To-day, the Party stands as an immense bulwark against the modern revisionism which has infested a multitude of so-called “communist” groupings from China to imperial Amerika itself. Please elaborate on the methods by which such a feat was achieved and is being maintained presently.
The Party has successfully applied and propagated Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and transformed it into a invincible material force. It has succeeded in cultivating deep class loyalty to the proletarian cause among its cadres and members. Most of the Party’s members come from the oppressed classes of workers and peasants who are the most desirous to wage revolution. Party cadres from the pettybourgeoisie undergo self- remoulding by integrating themselves with the oppressed classes. All Party members, including leading cadres, belong to basic Party branches, where they shoulder common tasks in Party building and engage in criticism and self-criticism. The Party implements a three level Party course: basic, intermediate and advance, as well as special study course, where Party members deepen their knowledge of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism from one level to the next. Party members are taught to draw carry out social investigation, assessments, drawing conclusions from facts, and methods of planning to scientifically raise the level of their practice.
The Party always maintains a high degree of vigilance against modern revisionism, and other counterrevolutionary trends that seek to undermine the proletarian viewpoint and standpoint of the Party and its cadres. It engages in polemical or theoretical debate with both Right and “Left” opportunists who seek to either draw the Party to collaborationism, liquidationism or sectarianism.
4. Amongst many lesser-read and newer comrades, there is a palpable attitude surrounding the inevitability of people’s war and its triumph in communism. To many, such overly-positive outlooks reveal a form of complacency in self-styled “socialists”. On the contrary, others retort that it is simply revolutionary optimism which exhorts people into seemingly-insouciant perspectives. What should be our position towards this attitude? If it is indeed a negative trend, how best can we combat it?
I think communists and revolutionaries are irrepressible optimists. This is not blind optimism, or merely waiting for the inevitable, rather from the dialectical materialist attitude that laws governing change are knowable and ultimately controllable by people. Thus, revolutionaries always have the attitude of turning a negative situation into positive, and not being complacent after victories or achievements. This optimism is rooted from a scientific outlook and method of always analyzing the two aspects of a situation, and determining the dialectical laws that govern the process of change of a thing, in order to plan an intervention to attain the desired outcome. From the outset, many of the Party’s victories amid great adversity would not have been achieved without large doses of revolutionary optimism.
5. As I have mentioned in my previous talk with Prof. Joma, the prospects of the coming election seem most un-favourable. Of the major presidential candidates thus far, only the rejectionist-revisionist Leody has offered detailed progressive policies. All the others — from the “pink” liberal Robredo to the dull wastrel Marcos — have kept many of the most heinous and exploitative policies of the U. S.-China lapdog Duterte in their proposed programmes. Robredo, for instance, has frequently vacillated between promising to maintain the murderous NTF-ELCAC (Nat’l Task Force to “End” Local Communist Armed Conflict) as it is, and nebulously guaranteeing the implementation of minute “reforms” to the Task Force. In light of the current situation, what is the Party’s official policy on the voting process and on electoralism in general?
As Ka Joma and the Party has previously explicated, the CPP is not governed by the legal political processes of the reactionary system. The Party, through the NPA, wages armed revolution towards the overthrow of the ruling state, and as such, is automatically disqualified from taking part in the ruling system’s electoral contest.
The reactionary elections form part of the ruling system’s method of maintaining the ruling system. It is the method for determining who among the rival reactionary cliques will control the government and all its resources. It is also a means to perpetuate the ruling system by making people believe that democracy exists and it is the people who choose their leaders. In fact, only their reactionary parties and organizations can effectively participate in the elections.
The national democratic organizations and parties who exist under the 1987 constitution, can take part in the reactionary elections to use it as platform to promote the national democratic program, forge political alliances and win seats in the parliament or local and national positions. They can do so without promoting illusions of democracy under the reactionary system.
6. Women and queer folk have long been oppressed by the patriarchal, feudal order perpetuated by the reactionary ruling classes. The proliferation of the imperialist sex trade and the murder of bakla at the hands of foreign devils — the martyred Jennifer Laude being one of the most prominent victims in recent years — are proof enough of their continued enslavement. How has the Party ensured their equal treatment, as well as the abolition of the institutions and enterprises which exploit them?
The cause of women and the LQBT community against discrimination and oppression is enshrined in the Party’s constitution and program. The provision pertaining to LGBT rights was inserted in the revised Party constitution as approved in the 2nd Congress in 2016. Equal rights of gay and lesbians to relations and marriage have been recognized since 1992. The Party and NPA regularly hold discussions to raise the awareness of its members and fighters about the issue of gender oppression, and to constantly remind them of the need to do away with stereotypes. Gays and lesbians have become responsible commanders of the NPA, and leaders of the Party.
7. From the most remote reaches of our islands’ history, religion and spirituality have been inalienable elements of the Pilipino psyche. The archipelago is a veritable “melting pot” of differing beliefs and faiths — the animism of the indigenous, the wondrous amalgam of mysticism and Catholicism practiced by albularyo, mangungulam, and manghuhula, the folk medicine and traditional astrology of the local Hokkien population, and of course the Christian and Muslim faiths observed by over a hundred-million. As with everything else, the Pilipino tendency towards religion and spirituality has served a dual nature between reaction and progress. The Spaniards, in their frenzied crusades throughout the country, sought “God, gold, and glory”, and their clergy-men were effectively propagandists for the Hispanic regime, despite frequent antagonisms between men of the faith and engkomenderos (later asenderos*). During the Red Scare of the mid-20th-century, the Amerikan imperialists used folk beliefs to great effect — scaring peasants and Huk guerrillas with feigned* aswang appearances. Yet many of the first insurgencies and mutinies against the Castilians were led by native babaylan shamans, and later revolts were inspired by the faith, too — a pattern observed from Haiti to New Afrika. The tradition of Christian radicalism — guided by liberation theology — continues to this day, up-held by progressive formations such as the Student Christian Movement of the Philippines (SCMP). How does the Party engage with its religious cadres and allied organisations? Of interest as well is the Party’s ways of dealing with superstition in the areas in which it holds sway.
The Party forges friendly relations with progressive religious forces. Of course, religious idealism and Marxist materialism are diametrically opposed world views. However, the emergence of a progressive-minded movement within different denominations has made possible an alliance between communists and some religious on the basis of a common aspiration for liberating people from oppression and exploitation.
8. As two of the “three divine weapons” of the Revolution, the New People’s Army and the Nat’l Democratic Front are of singular import to the Pilipino struggle. Please delineate for us, in a comprehensive yet concise manner, the distinct functions and workings of the Army and the Front within the Revolution. A brief explanation of the organisations constituting the N. D. F. would be much appreciated as well.
The NPA and the NDF are both instruments developed by the Party for fighting the enemy. The Party leads the NPA as its principal weapon for destroying the enemy’s armed forces which is the main force for preserving the reactionary state. Through the NDF, the Party forges the broadest alliance of class and sectoral forces to generate support for the armed revolution and isolate the enemy politically. Amado Guerrero describes the NPA and NDF as the Party’s spear and shield, for offense and defense. You can also say that both are weapons for waging an integrated military and political struggles.
The NDF is composed of underground revolutionary mass organizations that support the armed revolution. It is a united front for armed struggle. There are at least 17 mass organizations among the youth, workers, peasants, fisherfolk, women, semiproletariat, migrant workers, scientists, artists, overseas Filipinos, cultural workers, and so on. The Party helped form these organizations to draw in the advanced activists among the different mass movements.
9. The super-typhoon Odette — known abroad as “Rai” — has proven itself one of the most catastrophic disasters since Yolanda. All over the Bisayan islands, abodes both sturdy and weak lay wrecked, and up-rooted trees, corpses, and electric posts can be seen strewn across the once-viridescent landscape. In the face of mass disruptions in electrical and water services, the reactionary Government seated in Maynila has done nothing for the suffering masses, leaving only charities — both foreign and local — and revolutionary formations to alleviate their plight. What measures have the Party and its affiliated groupings taken to aid calamity-stricken communities?
As in past calamities, local Party branches organize and mobilize the people in the villages to collectively respond to their needs, mobilize resources, coordinate with other villages and with relief organizations, as well as with state agencies and distribute resources equitably. The Party has also directed units of the New People’s Army (NPA) to serve as first responders, and to assist the people in rehabilitation and recovery work. Red fighters help survivors in rebuilding or repairing their homes, especially of senior citizens, repairing farms and organizing production brigades to assist in planting. At the same time, the Party rouses the people to demand the reactionary state for its typically slow and meager response to the disaster and to hold it responsible for the neglect of its duties.
10. As the vanguard of the Pilipino people, the Party must be at the forefront of the mass movement against the reactionary and feudal culture of old — the progenitor of the new proletarian arts, literature, dance, and so on. Journals such as Ulos and Tilamsik are exemplars of this revolution in culture. How has the Party furthered the development of all fields of human endeavour — yes, including the sciences — towards socialism?
The Party’s program stipulates the promotion of a national, scientific and mass culture as a key component of the revolutionary struggle. The material conditions brought about by revolutionary struggles has generated a slew of cultural forms of expression in the villages, in the people’s army, in the democratic mass movement, as well as in the digital space. Organizations of cultural workers have sprouted and through these, cultural work is being carried out more systematically and prevalently, popularizing works of art and literature among the masses, mobilizing them and raising standards. Cultural work is most vigorous in areas where the masses are active in agrarian revolution and wage antifascist and other democratic struggles. Heroes and martyrs from among the local revolutionaries are recognized and promoted as models for emulation. The Party promotes the scientific method of thinking, observation and analysis in all fields of endeavor. In production, it draws from the practice of the masses, while encouraging scientific experiment, and the integration of advanced scientific knowledge and technologies, to promote and further improve these practices, for example, in the use of organic material as fertilizers. Science and technologies are also used in the New People’s Army to develop new weaponries, as well as in propaganda, education and organizing work.
11. Over a tenth of the Pilipino people — some twelve-million — reside abroad as migrant workers (OFW/OPWs or “overseas Pilipino workers”), students, naturalised citizens, or all three. Prof. Joma, in our recent discussion, said of the diasporic population: “The national-democratic movement has done excellent work in arousing, organizing and mobilizing the overseas Filipinos in so many countries...” May you please elaborate on this statement by providing the methods employed by the revolutionary forces to arouse, organise, and mobilise the vast reserve of Pilipinos abroad?
The Party promotes the rights and aspirations of overseas Filipinos. It supports their struggles, especially against government neglect and fleecing them of fees and taxes. The Party considers Filipinos abroad playing an important role in exposing the semicolonial and semifeudal conditions in the Philippines and promoting the national democratic cause.
To organize Filipinos abroad, the Party and revolutionary forces establish contacts with Filipino communities and form Party cells and underground organizations. Revolutionary forces in the Philippines are encouraged to raise the political consciousness of their relatives abroad and link them up with Party branches and revolutionary organizations. The Kabataang Makabayan has several chapters in Europe and the US. Communication technologies have facilitated and accelerated efforts in organizing and linking Filipinos abroad with the revolutionary forces in the country.
12. During the socialist period of Red China, the People’s Republic made sure not to replicate the mistakes of the Comintern and previous “internationalist” circles by maintaining only bi-lateral relations with other socialist governments and parties. Chairman Mao laid down three arguments in favour of this policy, in brief: “1) A united international organization cannot adapt itself to extremely complex and rapidly changing circumstances. Only national parties can make a detailed analysis of the circumstances; 2) the anti-fascist struggle on the world scale was so multifaceted that a centralized organization was an obstacle to the struggle; 3) the Chinese Communist Party had hardened in the struggle and knew best how the struggle would be conducted in China (which was later confirmed by the practice).” (R. B. Turesson, 2018) What is the Party’s opinions on such groupings as the failed “Revolutionary Internationalist Movement” (R. I. M.) and on internationalism as a whole?
The Party believes that at this stage in the development of the international communist movement, the most crucial task is to build or strengthen communist parties by applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on the concrete conditions of particular countries. Proletarian revolutionaries must emerge or step up in their efforts to build a communist party capable of organizing and leading the masses in their numbers. Proletarian revolutionaries can develop linkages to exchange experiences, analysis and views, with the aim of raising the level of revolutionary practice. The face of the international communist movement will change with the qualitative development of revolutionary movements and new global surge of socialist revolution, that will require new forms of cooperation and organization of the international proletariat.
13. On the subject of internationalism, what is the present outlook of the Party on the up- surge of revolution abroad? What anti-imperialist parties does it lend its support and solidarity to? And lastly, how may foreign comrades help the revolutionary movement in the Philippines?
Worsening conditions under continuing imperialist crisis are ever favorable for a renewed resurgence of anti-imperialist and socialist revolution on a global scale. We can say that we are at the threshold of a resurgence of socialist and national democratic revolutions.
The Party and the national democratic forces in the Philippines have been extending solidarity and all possible support within their capacity to anti-imperialist movements around the world. These include raising the awareness of the Filipino people about anti- imperialist and national and social liberation movements, mounting mass actions, issuing declarations and statements, sending delegations to events, and so on.
Throughout its history, countless internationalists have supported and joined the revolutionary movement in the Philippines. They have extended material, political and moral support. Not a few have joined the New People’s Army as Red fighters.
14.Following the presumed triumph of the nat’l-democratic Revolution, how will the Party adhere to the principle of self-determination for distinct nationalities and ethnicities such as the Moro people in Mindanaw? Are there prospects for a centralised union of republics as was established in the U. S. S. R. and in Red China, or should we look forward to a structure wholly different from ones past? Alternatively, is it perhaps futile to attempt to predict how the precise details of self-determination shall play out in the future?
The Party upholds the principle of the right to self-determination of the Moro people and other minority groups in the Philippines. It builds unity with the different minority groups in the struggle against the common enemy that oppresses the Filipino people and minority groups, and supports their cause for separation or autonomy from the oppressive state.
The CPP’s program elaborates on the matter, to wit:
*"The Party and the people’s democratic government shall always uphold the national and democratic rights of the national minorities who compose 15 percent of the Philippine population. The national minorities shall be encouraged to take their rightful role and place in the people’s democratic state and shall receive special consideration because of the extreme oppression and exploitation that they have suffered for so long in the hands of Spanish colonialism, US imperialism and the local reactionary classes. The Bangsamoro people, the largest national minority in the Philippines, have long developed their national self-identity and perseveres in their struggle for self-determination.
The Party leads the struggle against national oppression. The revolutionary forces must grow in strength among the national minorities and foster unity, cooperation and coordination between them and the rest of the people in combating the brutal campaigns of armed oppression, the grabbing of land from them, the plunder of natural resources in their areas, the imposition of absurdly low wages in plantations and mines, the paucity or lack of a just share in the social wealth and taxes produced from their areas, and all other phenomena of abuse, chauvinism and discrimination.
A new type of leadership, a revolutionary one, must be encouraged to rise from the national minorities so as to transform the traditional leadership and supplant those that have not only failed to fight for their rights but has also participated in their exploitation. Cadres of the Party and the revolution must be developed from among the national minorities."*
15. In a desperate attempt to stifle the inexorable advance of the people’s democratic Revolution, the dictatorial Government has descended into anti-Red hysteria, un-leashing on the Pilipino masses a veritable storm of fraudulent propaganda merged with anti-people crackdowns on even legal activists and militants. Many of the deceitful claims are reminiscent of the lies spread by the pale devils against the “barbarous” native Pilipinos, such as how the imperious police force claims that the Party supposedly slays a soldier or Government-paid mercenary every-time it celebrates its founding anniversary. What other hoaxes should be dispelled from the minds of the public?
The enemy has been whipping-up “anti-terrorism” in a desperate bid to justify its counterrevolutionary war. This line aims to obscures the national and democratic aspirations of the Filipino people. It cries “terrorism” to cover up its use of state terrorism in its intensified war against civilians, especially in the form of aerial bombardment, strafing and artillery shelling.
Since the early 2000s, US imperialism has promoted “anti-terrorism” as a quasi-legal framework to justify its armed aggression and interventionism around the world.
16. Is Sabah still considered by the nat’l-democratic movement as a rightful territory of the Philippines? Please also illustrate for us the conditions for Pilipinos or ethnic minorities residing in that province, and the Party’s organisational work there.
There is historical basis for the Philippine claim to Sabah, a territory of the Sulu Sultanate that was ceded to the Philippine government in 1962, but which was wrested by the British imperialists with the incorporation of Malaysia in 1963 on the pretext of fighting communism and so-called Indonesian expansionism. The so-called referendum is invalid as it was carried out under conditions of coercion. Legal definition of Philippine baseline territory in 1968 included Sabah and the seas surrounding it. In 2011, the Philippine Supreme Court ruled that the Philippine claim is valid and can be pursued in the future. The problem is that successive Philippine reactionary governments have been legally negligent since the 1960s as a way of bowing to US foreign policy. The Party has previously declared that upon establishment, the people’s democratic government of the Philippines can pursue these legal claims and seek to resolve this in favor of the country and the people of Sabah.
Filipinos in Sabah suffer grave oppression. Most of them work in oil palm plantations as farm workers. Many of them are considered stateless and illegal aliens and are made to suffer from lower wages, and lack of rights to domicile, access to public service and so on. They desire to assert their rights, as well as Philippine claims over the territory, and are linking up with the national democratic forces in the Philippines.
17. With over a hundred-twenty languages and even more dialects — the Batanggenyo variant of Tagalog alone is nearly incomprehensible for a Manilenyo — the Philippines is indeed one of the most linguistically diverse nations in all Creation. How does the Party deal with communications amidst such prodigious variety in tongues?
The Party promotes Filipino or Pilipino, as a national language, and principal medium of instruction and official communication, as well as local languages, to benefit the masses. The Party ensures that its news organ, Ang Bayan, is translated into the major languages and can be read by majority of its mass base. In fact, ng Bayan is the only newspaper in the country that is available in six languages: Pilipino, English, Binisaya, Iloco, Waray and Hiligaynon. Party documents, audio-video information materials, and Marxist-Leninist-Maoist study materials are also translated to local languages.
Once again, I thank you for taking the time to answer my questions, and extend to the Party my warmest militant greetings on the occasion of its fifty-third anniversary. Ten-thousand years to the revolutionary struggle! Ten-thousand years to the valiant Red fighters and their Party, People’s Army, and United Front! Liberation for all the oppressed peoples under Heaven!
We would like to thank with the utmost sincerity our cherished friends Teya, Azriel, Sheerjit, and Ahmad for providing support to ourselves throughout the duration of our discussion with Ka Marco. The fourth and fourteenth questions were suggested by Teya and Sheerjit, respectively.
Turesson, R. B. "Poor Mao Zedong, who wasn't even a Maoist -- part 2". Jul. 7, 2018. nyaarbetartidningen.bloggplatsen.se